Prog Blogs, Orgs & Alumni
Bank Slate
Betsy Devine
birch, finch, beech
Democracy for NH
Live Free or Die
Mike Caulfield
Miscellany Blue
Granite State Progress
Seacoast for Change
Susan the Bruce
Tomorrow's Progressives
Politicos & Punditry
The Burt Cohen Show
John Gregg
Krauss
Landrigan
Lawson
Pindell
Primary Monitor
Primary Wire
Scala
Schoenberg
Spiliotes
Welch
Campaigns, Et Alia.
Paul Hodes
Carol Shea-Porter
Ann McLane Kuster
John Lynch
Jennifer Daler
ActBlue Hampshire
NHDP
DCCC
DSCC
DNC
National
Balloon Juice
billmon
Congress Matters
DailyKos
Digby
Hold Fast
Eschaton
FiveThirtyEight
MyDD
The Next Hurrah
Open Left
Senate Guru
Swing State Project
Talking Points Memo
50 State Blog Network
Alabama
Arizona
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
My statistical model projecting Republicans would win 273 seats in the New Hampshire State House captured the impact of the GOP wave, though slightly underestimating the magnitude. Still, it was more accurate than most of the pundits who get paid for this sort of thing, including Fahey (210-220), DiStaso (226) and Landrigan (230). Only Pindell was closer with his prediction of 290 Republican seats and 27 tossups.
The model was based on the projected national congressional vote without regard to local candidates. In my mind, the results validate the approach and provide valuable insight to understanding electoral fundamentals. But this could lead one to then ask, do campaigns matter? And I say, you need only consider the 72,000 vote differential between John Lynch and Paul Hodes to conclude campaigns and candidates and issues matter -- a lot.
Nate Silver estimates Republicans will receive about 51.8% of the total votes for the U.S. House compared to 45.1% for Democrats. That's a two-party difference of 6.9 points and within shouting distance of the model's projected 6.2 point margin. Averaging the generic ballots polls was a very good predictor of the final margin, certainly better than the Gallup generic ballot poll and its 15-point margin.
Nine generic ballot polls were released after I published the forecast on Friday. Had I had the time to update the forecast based on those polls (which trended Republican) the projected two-party margin would have increased to 7.2 points, even closer to the actual result, and would have increased the projection to 281 Republican seats.
The projection for the number of partisan seats was within one seat of the actual result in 100 of 103 House districts. The model predicted the correct partisan makeup in 62 House districts, overestimated Republican seats in 10 districts and underestimated Republican seats in 31.
Nate Silver has a very interesting analysis showing New Hampshire had a higher enthusiasm gap between Republicans and Democrats than any other state in the country -- perhaps explaining why the model slightly underestimated Republican wins.
This graph indicates midterm seat change for the President's party in the U.S. House tracks with State House losses, supporting the general approach used in this model.