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While DiStaso spins our embarrassment of riches into trouble, Landrigan's analysis is a refreshing bit of balance:
They have their own pedigrees, having beaten entrenched Republican incumbents in 2006.
Shea-Porter's victory goes down as smaller by numbers than Hodes', but all the more impressive since hers was a nationally targeted seat for Republicans and a rematch with former GOP Congressman Jeb Bradley.
He has the base where Gregg began his Washington career, representing the 2nd District from 1981-88.
Shea-Porter has strength in the tougher district for Democrats generally. That includes the Seacoast, which in recent years has become Gregg's home turf.
Hodes is a better fundraiser and by many objective accounts got more done in his first two years on Capitol Hill.
But Shea-Porter is seen by many as better able than Hodes to carry the change-agent message two years ahead and really go after Gregg as a GOP-establishment stalwart who no longer fits the profile of what New Hampshire voters are looking for from their leaders in Washington, D.C.
I would change "got more done" to "has a higher profile as frosh class prez and with his Waxman committee" (unless I'm missing something) and would also argue that both Carol and Paul represent real change, but I'm mostly down with that.
Another interesting question is what it would mean to leave behind each district. I honestly don't think NH-01 would be so direly vulnerable with Carol as Senate nominee as people assume, but it definitely would be muy competitive. And there have been a few grumblings already, and that's without hearing what Stephen is up to. On Paul's side, I haven't heard a peep about whether Jennifer S. Horn-Palin will have a field cleared for her, or whether a Republican more in line with the district will emerge.
In CD1, some obvious names that comes up are Steve Marchand and Maggie Hassan, while in CD2 there's Jay Buckey, Katrina Swett, and perhaps even Molly Kelly.